top of page


There are religious duties whose danger lies not only in neglecting them, but in believing too quickly that we are fulfilling them.


Al-amr bi'l-ma'ruf wa'l-nahy 'an al-munkar 'enjoining what is right and discouraging what is wrong', is among Islam's great moral responsibilities. The Qur'an associates it with the moral health of the believing community:


وَلْتَكُن مِّنكُمْ أُمَّةٌ يَدْعُونَ إِلَى ٱلْخَيْرِ وَيَأْمُرُونَ بِٱلْمَعْرُوفِ وَيَنْهَوْنَ عَنِ ٱلْمُنكَرِ ۚ وَأُولَٰئِكَ هُمُ ٱلْمُفْلِحُونَ


"Let there be among you a community calling towards goodness, enjoining what is right and forbidding what is wrong; it is they who are successful." (Qur'an 3:104)

Elsewhere, believing men and women are described as awliya' of one another:


وَٱلْمُؤْمِنُونَ وَٱلْمُؤْمِنَاتُ بَعْضُهُمْ أَوْلِيَاءُ بَعْضٍ ۚ يَأْمُرُونَ بِٱلْمَعْرُوفِ وَيَنْهَوْنَ عَنِ ٱلْمُنكَرِ


"The believing men and believing women are allies of one another: they enjoin what is right and forbid what is wrong." (Qur'an 9:71)

The sequence matters. Those who correct one another are first described as awliya': correction takes place within a relationship of care and friendship.


No morally serious community can be indifferent to wrongdoing. Yet the Islamic tradition never understood this duty as an unrestricted licence to police others. Because correction involves the power to judge, rebuke and sometimes make apparent, the jurists therefore surrounded it with conditions.


One must know that something really is wrong. The person must ordinarily be persisting in it and intervention must have a sufficient prospect of success. Possible excuses, significant harm and proportionality matter. Lesser means ordinarily precede more injurious ones.


Behind these legal conditions lies a profound moral insight:


It is possible to oppose a wrong in the wrong way.


That insight has acquired new urgency in an age when an allegation can circle the world before the person concerned has heard that it was made.


A Duty Governed by Law


The juristic literature is striking for the conditions it places around the obligation. The duty is not simply: I consider this wrong; therefore I must condemn it.


Between observation and condemnation lies the discipline of law.


Classical Imami jurists discussed knowledge that the matter is genuinely ma'ruf or munkar, the requisite prospect of influence, persistence in the conduct, possible excuse and significant harm. Contemporary jurisprudence retains this architecture. In the rulings of Sayyid 'Ali al-Sistani, for example, the munkar relevant to the obligatory duty must actually be prohibited; the intervener must know what constitutes ma'ruf and munkar; possible excuses matter and significant harm to life, property or reputation, including that of other Muslims, enters the legal calculation.


Amr bi'l-ma'ruf is not moral vigilantism. It is a regulated Shar'i responsibility.


This is especially important when the alleged wrong concerns interpretation, scholarly disagreement, intention or context. Something apparently objectionable may have an explanation. One scholar may consider another mistaken, but the other can have religious arguments.


Before asking how a munkar should be opposed, one must establish that a munkar exists.


Disagreement is not automatically deviance.


Before Judgement Comes Verification


The Qur'an gives a command remarkably suited to the digital age:


يَا أَيُّهَا ٱلَّذِينَ آمَنُوا إِن جَاءَكُمْ فَاسِقٌ بِنَبَإٍ فَتَبَيَّنُوا أَن تُصِيبُوا قَوْمًا بِجَهَالَةٍ فَتُصْبِحُوا عَلَىٰ مَا فَعَلْتُمْ نَادِمِينَ


"O you who believe, if a wrongdoer comes to you with news, verify it, lest you harm people through ignorance and then become regretful for what you have done." (Qur'an 49:6)

Verification is required because information has consequences. A reputation can now be damaged by a decontextualised screenshot or recording, an unattributed quotation, a recollection of a private exchange, or an interpretation repeated until it masquerades as evidence.


Islam does not permit moral certainty to be manufactured from informational uncertainty.


The Qur'an places another barrier earlier still:


يَا أَيُّهَا ٱلَّذِينَ آمَنُوا ٱجْتَنِبُوا كَثِيرًا مِّنَ ٱلظَّنِّ إِنَّ بَعْضَ ٱلظَّنِّ إِثْمٌ ۖ وَلَا تَجَسَّسُوا وَلَا يَغْتَب بَّعْضُكُم بَعْضًا


"O you who believe, avoid much suspicion, for some suspicion is sin. Do not spy upon one another, nor backbite one another." (Qur'an 49:12)

Suspicion can lead to investigation; investigation to exposure; exposure to backbiting. The Qur'an places a boundary at every stage.


Nor does hearsay become proof because its conveyor is sincere. The greater the contemplated injury, the greater the duty to establish the facts. Evidence sufficient to create private concern is not necessarily sufficient to justify a public accusation, still less a reputational attack.


Truth Does Not Automatically Create a Right to Publish


People sometimes imagine that if something is true, saying it cannot be morally wrong. The classical tradition says otherwise.


Many grave injuries to reputation begin not with facts, but with allegations- partial, decontextualised, exaggerated or false. Before debating publication, one must establish whether the claim is true at all.


If an allegation is false, there may be buhtan. If it is unverified, circulating it risks turning suspicion into accusation and accusation into reputational harm. Even when the information is true, publishing it may constitute ghiba if it reveals a concealed fault that the person would legitimately dislike being made known. Contemporary Imami rulings also identify insulting a believer, humiliating him, revealing his secrets, pursuing his faults and belittling him as serious sins.


Truth is necessary to responsible speech, but it does not justify every act of publication.


The question is not merely, "Is this true?" It is also: Why say it? To whom? By what right? With what consequences?


The Imami hadith tradition speaks severely about converting information into an instrument of reputational destruction. A report in al-Kafi states:


مَنْ رَوَى عَلَى مُؤْمِنٍ رِوَايَةً يُرِيدُ بِهَا شَيْنَهُ وَهَدْمَ مُرُوءَتِهِ لِيَسْقُطَ مِنْ أَعْيُنِ النَّاسِ...


"Whoever relates something concerning a believer, intending thereby to disgrace him and destroy his standing so that he falls in the eyes of people..."

The narration continues with a severe spiritual warning, whilst its moral content belongs to a broad discourse protecting the believer's honour.


Its wording is extraordinary:


لِيَسْقُطَ مِنْ أَعْيُنِ النَّاسِ


"So that he falls in the eyes of people."

It identifies something subtler than lying: making another human being smaller in the sight of others.


The same ethic appears elsewhere in al-Kafi. Imam al-Baqir transmits the Prophetic definition:


وَالْمُسْلِمُ مَنْ سَلِمَ الْمُسْلِمُونَ مِنْ يَدِهِ وَلِسَانِهِ


"The Muslim is one from whose hand and tongue the Muslims are safe."

The report continues that a believer may not wrong, abandon or backbite another. Today the "tongue" includes the post, caption, edited clip and insinuation released for others to repeat.


An equally searching report from Imam al-Sadiq describes among the lowest departures from faith the conduct of one who befriends another, counts his slips and errors, and preserves them in order to shame him one day:


فَيُحْصِيَ عَلَيْهِ عَثَرَاتِهِ وَزَلَّاتِهِ لِيُعَيِّرَهُ بِهَا يَوْمًا مَا


"He counts his slips and lapses so that one day he may reproach him with them."

It condemns the archive of resentment: collecting a person's failures today as weapons for tomorrow.


Even When What Is Said Is True


Another report attributed to Imam al-Sadiq connects circulating what one has personally seen or heard about a believer with the Qur'anic warning:


إِنَّ ٱلَّذِينَ يُحِبُّونَ أَن تَشِيعَ ٱلْفَاحِشَةُ فِي ٱلَّذِينَ آمَنُوا لَهُمْ عَذَابٌ أَلِيمٌ فِي ٱلدُّنْيَا وَٱلْآخِرَةِ ۚ وَٱللَّهُ يَعْلَمُ وَأَنتُمْ لَا تَعْلَمُونَ


"Indeed, those who love that indecency should spread among the believers will have a painful punishment in this world and the Hereafter. God knows and you do not know." (Qur'an 24:19)

The report contains an unnamed intermediary, although Ibn Abi 'Umayr's transmissions hold an important place in Imami reliability discussions; al-Majlisi described it as hasan ka'l-sahih.


The principle is crucial: Something may be true and its circulation may still be wrong.


Islam does not demand silence before serious harm. But once we move from questioning an act to circulating allegations about a person and still more to launching a reputational attack, a far heavier burden of justification arises.


The Stages of Correction


The juristic maratib (stages) are:

One begins with the least injurious effective means and escalates only when lesser means do not suffice.


There is a profound difference between telling someone, "I believe what you did was wrong," and telling thousands of strangers, "Look at what this person has done."


The first addresses conduct; the second reputation. The first permits explanation; the second may impose a verdict before one is heard. The first can end with the wrong; the second may remain searchable indefinitely.


Amr bi'l-ma'ruf seeks the removal of the munkar. It is not ordinarily a mechanism for removing the honour of the person who committed it.


"We Tried to Contact Them"


Suppose someone says, "We tried speaking to the person. He did not answer." Does private counsel then automatically become public denunciation?


The failure of one means does not legitimate every greater means.


Without an immediate danger requiring warning, other avenues remain: a trusted acquaintance, scholar, elder, family member or institution. The question is not merely, "Did I attempt contact?" but: "Before inflicting potentially irreversible harm, were less injurious avenues genuinely exhausted?"


A single unanswered call, email or message cannot transform a reputational attack into a religious obligation.


There is a revealing test of intention. If private correction disappoints us because nobody else will know the person was wrong, perhaps correction was not our only objective.


When Correction Conceals a Grievance


Religious language can conceal less religious motives. What if the corrector already dislikes the person, or there is rivalry, resentment or institutional conflict?


Such feelings do not make every criticism false. Someone we dislike can do wrong, just as someone we love can. Precisely here the Qur'an imposes a demanding standard:


يَا أَيُّهَا ٱلَّذِينَ آمَنُوا كُونُوا قَوَّامِينَ لِلَّهِ شُهَدَاءَ بِٱلْقِسْطِ ۖ وَلَا يَجْرِمَنَّكُمْ شَنَآنُ قَوْمٍ عَلَىٰ أَلَّا تَعْدِلُوا ۚ ٱعْدِلُوا هُوَ أَقْرَبُ لِلتَّقْوَىٰ


"O you who believe, stand firmly for God as witnesses in justice. Do not let hatred of a people cause you to depart from justice. Be just; that is nearer to God-consciousness." (Qur'an 5:8)

Hostility increases the need for fairness; it does not diminish it. The Qur'an gives the complementary principle:


يَا أَيُّهَا ٱلَّذِينَ آمَنُوا كُونُوا قَوَّامِينَ بِٱلْقِسْطِ شُهَدَاءَ لِلَّهِ وَلَوْ عَلَىٰ أَنفُسِكُمْ أَوِ ٱلْوَالِدَيْنِ وَٱلْأَقْرَبِينَ


"O you who believe, stand firmly for justice, bearing witness for God, even if it be against yourselves, your parents or your close relatives." (Qur'an 4:135)

Together they establish a demanding symmetry: neither affection nor hostility may determine justice.


Would I interpret the same act identically if done by someone I admired? Would I investigate a friend by the standards applied to an adversary? If the wrong were corrected tomorrow, would I feel relief or disappointment at losing the opportunity to expose him?


A grievance does not make a wrong permissible; nor does a genuine wrong make every act of an adversary permissible. Verification, proportionality, the prohibitions of ghiba and buhtan, and protection of 'ird remain.


A private grievance does not become a public interest because religious vocabulary has been placed around it.


Nasiha and Ta'yir


This brings us to a classical distinction of remarkably modern relevance: nasiha and ta'yir.


Nasiha seeks another person's good.


Ta'yir uses another person's failing against him.


Counsel asks: How can this wrong be corrected?


Humiliation asks: How can others be made to see what is wrong with this person?


Outwardly, both may use religious language. Morally, they belong to different worlds.


Imam al-Sadiq is reported to have said:


مَنْ عَيَّرَ مُؤْمِنًا بِذَنْبٍ لَمْ يَمُتْ حَتَّى يَرْكَبَهُ


"Whoever reproaches a believer for a sin will not die until he commits it."

Al-Kulayni transmits this through a strong Imami chain. The point is not that wrongdoing should escape correction, but that correction and reproach are different moral acts. One seeks reform; the other asserts superiority through another's fall.


Contemporary guidance from the office of Sayyid al-Sistani similarly warns preachers and religious communicators:


وَلَا يَنْبَغِي إِشْهَارُ الزَّلَّةِ وَالتَّشْهِيرُ بِصَاحِبِهَا


It also warns against:


التَّشْهِيرُ بِالْمُؤْمِنِ وَتَسْقِيطُهُ بِزَلَّةٍ صَدَرَتْ مِنْهُ


Publicising a believer's lapse, disgracing its perpetrator and bringing a believer down because of an error.


A reputational attack can entrench the person, enlarge the controversy, spread the error and transform a correctable act into a war over reputation.


Religious vocabulary cannot transform a reputational attack into an act of moral correction.


Not every truth is best defended by maximum publicity. Sometimes publicity magnifies the evil it claims to oppose.


When Public Warning Is Necessary


A balanced treatment must acknowledge exceptional circumstances in which silence becomes irresponsible.


Where there is serious risk of substantial physical, financial or religious harm, disclosure may be necessary to protect others.


Sayyid Abu al-Qasim al-Khoei discusses, within this framework, disclosure for:


حَسْمِ مَادَّةِ الْفَسَادِ


Curtailing the source of serious corruption or harm.


The exception concerns cases in which protection from genuine and grave harm outweighs the individual's ordinarily protected honour.


It cannot become a general permission to expose a believer by describing a disagreement as dangerous, misguided or corrupt. There remains a juridical distance between:


"I believe this person is wrong."


and:


"There is a serious, demonstrable danger that cannot reasonably be prevented without disclosure."


The latter requires proportionate evidence. Even then, necessity sets limits:


Who needs to know?


What must they know?


Is identification required?


Can harm be prevented less injuriously?


The exception must never become larger than the harm it exists to prevent.


Disagreement Is Not Deviance


Shi'i Islam has never been intellectually monochrome. Its greatest jurists have disagreed, sometimes profoundly about theology, politics and religious authority.


Disagreement itself is not a munkar.


Before invoking nahy 'an al-munkar, one must distinguish an established prohibition from an exercise of ijtihad, a legitimate interpretive difference, an error of judgement or a matter on which reasonable scholars differ.


Otherwise an extraordinary inversion occurs.


Plurality becomes corruption.


Disagreement becomes deviance.


Denunciation becomes piety.


A community unable to distinguish error from evil will treat every disagreement as a moral emergency and eventually discover that everyone is somebody else's heretic.


The Honour of the Believer and of the Madhhab


Islamic law takes 'ird - honour and reputation,profoundly seriously. Reputation affects family, employment, marriage, scholarship, trust and a person's ability to serve.


The hadith corpus expresses this sanctity in startling terms. Imam al-Sadiq reports the divine warning:


لِيَأْذَنْ بِحَرْبٍ مِنِّي مَنْ آذَى عَبْدِيَ الْمُؤْمِنَ


"Let the one who harms My believing servant know that he has declared war against Me."

Transmitted in al-Kafi from Hisham b. Salim, the report locates harm to the believer within one's relationship with God. It does not erase lawful accountability; it forbids treating avoidable injury as trivial because our stated cause is religious.


A permissible objective cannot be pursued by prohibited means simply by changing its label. Humiliation does not become amr bi'l-ma'ruf because it is called amr bi'l-ma'ruf.


When clips replace arguments, insinuation substitutes for evidence and victory is measured by another believer's discrediting, moral bankruptcy follows.


The school itself is diminished in the eyes of those watching.


A tradition founded upon the teachings of the Ahl al-Bayt cannot defend its truth by abandoning their ethics.


The Corrector Must Not Become the Wrongdoer


One may oppose one munkar yet commit another in doing so. An allegation does not permit buhtan; a genuine error does not permit ghiba; and another's wrongdoing does not make his honour and rights forfeit.


The Qur'an's command is categorical:


وَلَا يَجْرِمَنَّكُمْ شَنَآنُ قَوْمٍ عَلَىٰ أَلَّا تَعْدِلُوا ۚ ٱعْدِلُوا هُوَ أَقْرَبُ لِلتَّقْوَىٰ


"Do not let hatred of a people cause you to depart from justice. Be just; that is nearer to God-consciousness." (Qur'an 5:8)

The moral paradox is real: one may sincerely believe oneself to be resisting wrongdoing while becoming unjust through exaggeration, humiliation, unverified accusation or disproportionate harm.


One cannot remove a munkar by becoming a zalim.


The believer's question is therefore twofold:


Is the wrong I oppose real?


And is the way I oppose it just?


The first tests our judgement of others.


The second tests our judgement of ourselves.


A Jurisprudence for the Digital Age


Earlier jurists could not have imagined an allegation crossing continents in seconds. They did not need to foresee the technology to give us the principles.


Technology changes the scale of the act.


It does not change its moral grammar.


Do not begin with suspicion:


إِنَّ بَعْضَ ٱلظَّنِّ إِثْمٌ


"Some suspicion is sin."

When information reaches you:


فَتَبَيَّنُوا


"Verify."


Do not let hostility corrupt justice:


ٱعْدِلُوا هُوَ أَقْرَبُ لِلتَّقْوَىٰ


"Be just; that is nearer to God-consciousness."

Do not delight in scandal's spread:


أَن تَشِيعَ ٱلْفَاحِشَةُ فِي ٱلَّذِينَ آمَنُوا


"That indecency should spread among the believers."


And remember how the Qur'an described the relationship before the correction:


بَعْضُهُمْ أَوْلِيَاءُ بَعْضٍ


"They are allies of one another."

A responsible sequence follows.


Establish that the matter is munkar, not disagreement.


Verify the facts.


Seek explanation and consider possible excuse.


Ask whether intervention will achieve islah.


Begin with the least injurious effective means.


If direct communication fails, consider trustworthy intermediaries.


Where demonstrable danger requires warning, warn proportionately and disclose no more than protection requires.


Continually ask whether the purpose remains correction rather than victory.


Perhaps the most difficult test is this:


If the wrong were corrected today, would I still want the world to know tomorrow?


Our answer may reveal more about our intention than anything we say about somebody else's.


Correcting Without Destroying


Islam does not ask us to choose between truth and compassion. It asks us to hold them together.


Truth without compassion can become cruelty.


Compassion without truth can become indifference.


Amr bi'l-ma'ruf exists because wrongdoing matters.


The protection of honour exists because people matter.


Neither cancels the other.


The task is not to abolish criticism, but to discipline it.


Verify before accusing.


Distinguish disagreement from wrongdoing.


Seek explanation before condemnation.


Advise privately where possible and use trusted intermediaries where necessary.


Let neither affection conceal a wrong nor grievance magnify one.


Escalate only when necessity requires it.


Say no more than protection demands.


And always leave open a road back.


For perhaps this is the greatest difference between correction and humiliation.


Correction has an end.


Humiliation does not.


The person stops, makes amends, apologises or repents; the purpose of nahy 'an al-munkar has been achieved.


The internet, however, remembers.


The clip remains.


The post remains.


The search result remains.


Someone encounters the allegation years later without knowing that the person apologised, changed, was misunderstood, or that further facts emerged.


What began as the claimed correction of an act becomes the permanent definition of a human being.


That should trouble anyone who believes in tawba.


A religion that teaches repentance must know how to allow people to return.


Before pressing "publish", then, the question is not merely whether we believe ourselves right.


It is whether the act we are about to perform is itself right.


For al-amr bi'l-ma'ruf wa'l-nahy 'an al-munkar was never permission to become careless with another's honour. It is a responsibility to care about another's moral good.


Its purpose is not spectacle but islah.


Not victory, but restoration.


Not the destruction of the person, but the disappearance of the wrong.


And sometimes the most demanding part of enjoining what is right is remembering that the person whose conduct we seek to correct remains, throughout it all, our brother or sister in faith.


A widening Taliban crackdown on prominent Shia religious institutions, scholars and community leaders in Afghanistan is raising serious concern among Shia Muslims in the United States, following the forced evacuation of one of Kabul’s leading Shia seminaries and a series of reported detentions.




Two days later, the confrontation escalated.



The crackdown has not stopped at the seminary.



That fact makes the arrests especially disturbing. Shia community representatives were reportedly detained while attempting to respond peacefully to the detention of other members of their community.



Taken together, these incidents raise a far more troubling possibility: what Taliban authorities have presented as a dispute involving one institution may be developing into a broader campaign of pressure against organized Shia religious and community life in Afghanistan.


A Property Dispute Cannot Explain What Is Happening


Taliban authorities have claimed that the Khatam al Nabiyyin complex was constructed on government owned land and should come under state control.




Whatever the merits of a property dispute, the events now extend far beyond a disagreement over ownership.


Armed personnel surrounding a religious seminary is not an ordinary property proceeding. Detaining teachers and students is not an ordinary property proceeding. Arresting Shia community figures reportedly meeting to discuss the release of those detainees is not an ordinary property proceeding.


And surrounding additional Shia organizations makes it increasingly difficult to view these events in isolation.


An Institution at the Center of Afghan Shia Life


Khatam al Nabiyyin is not an obscure religious school. The institution was established in 2007 by Grand Ayatollah Mohammad Asif Mohseni, one of Afghanistan’s most prominent Shia scholars. It developed into a major center for Shia religious education, scholarship and community activity in Kabul.


The wider network associated with Mohseni has included Khatam al Nabiyyin University and Tamadon TV, one of Afghanistan’s most prominent Shia oriented religious and cultural broadcasters.


Tamadon TV has itself faced Taliban restrictions. The broadcaster’s operations were halted by Taliban authorities before the current confrontation at the seminary, part of a pattern that now takes on greater significance in light of the September actions.


The cumulative picture is difficult to ignore: a Shia television network silenced, a major Shia seminary forcibly emptied, teachers and students detained, Shia elders arrested and additional Shia institutions surrounded.


The Detention of Sheikh Mohammad Hassan Mohseni


The situation became still more concerning with reports concerning Sheikh Mohammad Hassan Mohseni, the eldest son and successor of Grand Ayatollah Mohammad Asif Mohseni.

Afghan media reported that Mohseni was detained near his home in Kabul following the evacuation of Khatam al Nabiyyin and taken to an undisclosed location. As of September 10, no credible public reporting located by the Shia Muslim Foundation has established that Mohseni has been released or publicly confirmed his present location and condition.


That uncertainty should command immediate international attention. When authorities take a prominent religious scholar into custody, the minimum expectation is that his family and the public know where he is being held, the legal basis for his detention and his physical condition.


Why Shia Muslims in America Are Alarmed


For Shia Muslims in the United States, these developments cannot be dismissed as a distant administrative dispute.


Afghanistan’s Shia population has endured generations of sectarian violence, discrimination and attacks. Mosques, seminaries, schools, media organizations and community institutions provide the structure through which a minority community can educate its children, train its scholars and preserve its religious traditions.


Pressure on those institutions therefore affects far more than buildings.


When a government can forcibly empty a major Shia seminary, detain its teachers and students, take a prominent scholar to an undisclosed location and arrest community representatives reportedly attempting to discuss those detentions, the issue becomes one of religious freedom and basic human rights.



Those concerns should not remain confined to Afghanistan.


The Shia Muslim Foundation believes the developments demand immediate attention from the United States government, the United Nations, international human rights organizations, religious freedom bodies and elected officials.


Taliban authorities should immediately disclose the whereabouts and condition of Sheikh Mohammad Hassan Mohseni and every scholar, teacher, student and community representative detained in connection with these events.


They should explain the legal basis for each detention and permit access to families and appropriate legal safeguards. Anyone detained solely for peaceful religious, educational or community activity should be released.


There must also be international scrutiny of the seizure of Khatam al Nabiyyin and the expanding actions against other Shia organizations.


For American Shia Muslims, what is at stake is much larger than one seminary or one scholar. It is the ability of an already vulnerable religious minority to maintain its institutions, educate its scholars, organize peacefully and practice its faith without intimidation.


SMF raises concerns regarding recent Maryland incidents, increasing anti Muslim rhetoric, manufactured confrontations, and the security environment surrounding the November 2026 elections


MARYLAND — This week the Shia Muslim Foundation (SMF) met with the Director of the Maryland Governor’s Office of Homeland Security to discuss emerging safety and security concerns affecting Muslim communities across Maryland and opportunities for continued coordination between state officials, law enforcement, and community institutions.


The meeting continued an ongoing dialogue between SMF and Maryland officials regarding the safety of Muslim residents and houses of worship throughout the state. The discussion focused on recent incidents involving Muslim Marylanders, the broader increase in anti Muslim rhetoric nationally, changing methods of harassment and intimidation, and concerns that tensions could increase as Maryland and the country approach the November 2026 elections.


SMF expressed appreciation for the opportunity to engage directly with Maryland homeland security leadership and emphasized the importance of proactive communication before concerns develop into serious security incidents.


“Maryland has a strong tradition of religious diversity, and we appreciate the willingness of state officials to listen directly to the concerns of Muslim communities and engage with us constructively,” said Rahat Husain, Executive Director of the Shia Muslim Foundation. “Our objective is to strengthen relationships now so that government, law enforcement, and community institutions are communicating with one another before a crisis occurs rather than meeting for the first time after something has already happened.”

Recent Incidents in Maryland


During the meeting, SMF discussed several recent developments involving Muslims in Maryland that have contributed to concern within the community.


In Baltimore County, the discussion included the recent controversy surrounding comments about Sharia law shared by a member of the Baltimore County Board of Education. The board member subsequently apologized and met with Muslim community leaders. During that meeting, a Muslim student described experiencing anti Muslim harassment because she wears hijab.


SMF also raised reports from Montgomery County involving Muslim women wearing hijab who were allegedly followed and confronted while shopping, as well as a reported incident in Howard County involving a Muslim woman wearing a Palestinian keffiyeh who said she was confronted while walking in her neighborhood.


The conversation also addressed the broader security concerns faced by Maryland houses of worship. Religious institutions across the state continue to invest significant resources in cameras, access control, security personnel, coordination with local police, and other protective measures.


SMF emphasized that these incidents vary significantly in severity and circumstance and do not, by themselves, establish the existence of a coordinated threat in Maryland. They nevertheless contribute to a broader environment in which Muslim individuals and institutions are increasingly attentive to their physical safety and to the possibility of escalating confrontations.


A Changing Security Environment


A major focus of the meeting was what SMF described as a changing threat environment facing Muslim communities.


Traditional security planning for Islamic institutions has often focused on direct threats, vandalism, hate crimes, or the possibility of an armed attack. SMF explained that a growing concern involves a different form of activity: deliberately manufactured confrontations.


In incidents around the country, individuals have approached Muslim institutions or visibly Muslim individuals, initiated provocative encounters, recorded or livestreamed the interaction, and subsequently distributed the footage online. Such encounters may be intended to generate confrontation, attract attention, or create material that can then be amplified through social media.


SMF stressed that this type of activity presents unique challenges for Muslim institutions.


A person engaged in inflammatory speech or filming outside a mosque may be exercising constitutionally protected rights. At the same time, community leaders must be prepared to recognize when lawful expression begins moving toward harassment, trespass, threats, intimidation, or conduct that could create a genuine safety concern.


“We are increasingly concerned about situations in which the objective may not initially be to make a direct threat, but to manufacture a confrontation,” Husain said.

SMF emphasizes the importance of training mosque leadership, volunteers, and security personnel to recognize these scenarios, de escalate encounters when appropriate, document suspicious behavior, and communicate effectively with law enforcement.


Anti Muslim Rhetoric and the November 2026 Elections


The meeting also addressed concerns surrounding the political environment leading

into the November 2026 elections.


SMF noted that Muslim communities across the country have experienced periods in which political and geopolitical developments have been accompanied by increases in hostile rhetoric directed toward Muslims, immigrants, and religious minorities.


The Foundation expressed concern that election season messaging could further increase anti Muslim rhetoric or encourage individuals to target Muslim communities with harassment or deliberately provocative activity.


SMF emphasized that political disagreement and criticism are protected parts of American civic life. The concern arises when political rhetoric crosses into broad hostility toward Muslim Americans as a group or contributes to an atmosphere in which intimidation and harassment become normalized.


Maryland officials discussed the importance of remaining attentive to the security environment as the election approaches and indicated that they would coordinate with law enforcement regarding emerging concerns.


SMF welcomed that commitment and stressed that early information sharing can help both law enforcement and community organizations distinguish between constitutionally protected political activity and situations that may present legitimate public safety concerns.


The Importance of Public Leadership


The meeting also included discussion of the role elected officials can play in reinforcing Maryland’s commitment to religious freedom and the safety of its Muslim residents.


Participants discussed the possibility of Lieutenant Governor Aruna Miller issuing a public statement addressing the current climate and affirming support for Maryland’s Muslim community.


SMF believes that clear statements from elected leaders can be particularly meaningful during periods of heightened rhetoric.


“Public leadership matters,” Husain said. “Muslim Marylanders should hear clearly from their government that they are an integral part of this state and that harassment, intimidation, and religious hatred are inconsistent with Maryland’s values. Those messages are especially important when national rhetoric becomes increasingly divisive.”

SMF emphasized that such statements are not intended to limit political debate or criticism but rather to reaffirm basic principles shared across political lines: religious freedom, equal protection, public safety, and the right of every Maryland resident to participate fully in civic life without intimidation.


Moving Forward


The Foundation also emphasized the value of continued engagement among homeland security officials, local law enforcement agencies, Muslim community organizations, and houses of worship.


“Our goal is not to create alarm,” Husain said. “It is to build preparedness, communication, and trust. Maryland’s Muslim community wants to work constructively with government and law enforcement to keep our institutions, our families, and our neighbors safe.”

SMF thanks Maryland homeland security leadership for the constructive discussion and for its willingness to remain engaged with concerns affecting Muslim communities.


The Shia Muslim Foundation looks forward to continuing its work with Maryland officials and law enforcement partners to help ensure that Muslims throughout the state can worship, gather, participate in civic life, and exercise their constitutional rights safely and without intimidation.


About the Shia Muslim Foundation


The Shia Muslim Foundation is a national nonprofit organization dedicated to protecting the civil rights, security, representation, and civic engagement of Shia Muslims in the United States. Through government engagement, community partnerships, education, and advocacy, SMF works to ensure that Shia Muslims are represented in the institutions and conversations that affect their communities.

Shia Muslim Foundation Logo

Based in the DC Metro Region

Copyright © 2021 by Shia Muslim Foundation
Contact us via email

bottom of page